Archives For September 2019

IRI, NDI Announce Arrival of Delegation to Observe Tunisian Presidential Elections“:

AH, IF ONLY! If only these preachy, condescending democracy promoters and democracy instructors, advice-givers and “observers”; these Middle-East democratizers and forced democratization/ regime change aficionados; these opportunistic self-appointed and self-proclaimed, rather bogus, fake, “bidons”(as the Francophone Tunisians characterize them) so-called experts on the Arab world, Islam and political Islam, and, of course, on ‘democratization’ and other amateurish transitologists and consolidologists, who descended en masse upon Tunisia after the so-called Arab Spring uprisings … Ah, If only they would leave Tunisia alone?

About political Islam: these “experts” support discreetly, perniciously, and even openly at times when it matters, the Tunisian Islamists, and have used their influence in Washington to promote them. For them, promoting and supporting democracy in Tunisia means essentially supporting the reactionary so-called “moderate” Islamists [1], alongside some seculars, but only those who agree to form alliances with the Islamists and can demonstrate a strong commitment to neoliberal ideology. Certainly not, absolutely not, the liberal or progressive seculars, whether intellectuals, academics, political parties, or unions and other civil society actors!

These democracy promoters, instructors and supervisors support the Tunisian Islamists for a variety of reasons: According to their short-sighted, ideologically-driven and simple-minded perception of America’s interests, fed by their superficial neo-orientalist understanding of Islam, and essentialist stereotypes about Arab societies, as well as their ignorance of the historical, social, political, economic and geopolitical particularities of countries like Tunisia for example, the Islamists are the best bet for democracy to take hold in that country and others in the Muslim world. A democracy that should, of course, be unequivocally and uncompromisingly pro-market and even neoliberal, and pro-America as the guarantor of the neoliberal global order [2]. Thus, they worked hard at their legitimization, providing them with various platforms in Washington to promote their views and agendas, after paving their way with countless newspapers’ Op-eds and articles, and “studies” in mainstream Washington think tanks publications, swearing up and down that these Islamists are moderate, staunchly pro-market and true believers in democracy, as well as pro-American.

Even though contrary to the regressive Islamists, Tunisian secular democrats, liberals, and progressives, although lacking unity, cohesion, and effective organization (but who can match the cult-like type of organization of the Islamists, anyway?) share most of America’s core values of liberty, equality, and democracy, and largely outnumber the Islamists in Tunisia, absolutely NO liberal, no progressive has ever been invited since the start of the Arab Spring revolts by the mainstream think tank and foreign policy circles and other entities part of the “democracy promotion industry”, including in academia, to come to Washington to meet US officials and give talks or participate in the numerous panels about democracy in the Middle East and North Africa, and democratic transition in Tunisia (the only Arab Spring success story, blah, blah, blah…). Only Islamist officials and sympathizers have had that honor time and again, with very few secular exceptions (again, only the committed neoliberals among them).

Others, among the Middle East and North Africa democratizers, apparently still believe that the US is fighting the cold war when the Islamists were considered the strongest bulwarks against the spread of communist influence in the Muslim world (See Footnote 1) and should be supported for that reason.  Today the communists are gone, but apparently, they have been replaced in the mind of the democracy promoters and instructors by those liberals who question American hegemony in the region in support of neoliberal globalization and dare to claim some kind of relative economic and political sovereignty for their countries, even if they are not necessarily anti-American. In other words, most of the secular liberals and progressives who know first-hand how devastating are the effects of neoliberal globalization policies on developing countries like theirs, and which have led, by the way, to the social movements and uprisings of the so-called Arab Spring…

Another group among the democratizers seems to believe that given the high level of religiosity in the region, keeping Tunisia and other MENA countries under (non-violent) Islamist influence and control, according to the dictum that “religion is the opium of the people”, will keep it quiet. Indeed, everybody knows that Arabs and Muslims don’t need jobs, justice, economic development, roads, schools, hospitals, and so on; all they need is religion and to be ruled by religious parties…

Yet, remarkably enough, Tunisians have proven fully committed, in spite of huge obstacles engendered by a catastrophic economic situation endured by their small peripheral developing country’s economy, caught up in the whirlpool of neoliberal globalization and foreign interferences, to building democratic institutions that are truly indigenous, neither imported nor transplanted. Institutions that include socio-economic rights as well, whether our usually anti-welfare state, anti-union, free-market worshipper democratization instructors, like it or not!

Moreover, it seems that Tunisians are led on the chaotic path of building their own version of democracy by a singularly knowledgeable and highly educated, and relatively cohesive social elite (I am not talking about the political class here) with a direct relationship, an almost organic link, to their people. A democracy that is rooted in their country’s history, reflecting their people’s social and cultural specificities. ‘Cultural’ in a broad sense, not only religious, as our “democratizers” with their neo-conservative culturalist fixation on Islam believe! For these and other reasons, Tunisians certainly do not need any foreign interference, no democracy instructors, no foreign coaching by fake (“bidons”) experts and advice-givers, as they continue to forge their own path towards democracy!

One can’t help it but wonder, wouldn’t there be enough for them to do in the US these days with all these anti-democratic forces rising? Shouldn’t our democratizers focus on their own country instead of wasting tax-payers’ money (for some of them) trying to “democratize” a complex world that their arrogant lack of modesty and intellectual rigor prevent from understanding, and respect in all its diversity?  Moreover, they don’t seem to understand that their relevance today, given the large number of Americans who oppose US global interventionism particularly in the MENA region to promote or/and impose democracy, and accordingly the current administration nationalist inclination and disinterest in universalizing American values at least as our democratizers understand them, is over!

[1] The Unfinished History Between America and the Muslim Brotherhood (By Mohamed-Ali Adraoui, Research Professor; Fellow at Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service, Georgetown University)                    And here is a summary of the history of US-Muslim Brotherhood relations, in an article by Ian Johnson in the New York Review of Books, dated February 5, 2011:…/washingtons-secret-history-musli…/ .
[2]  Following recommendations by market fundamentalists such as the RAND corporation, see: RAND Proposes Blueprint for Building Moderate Muslim Networks

Nejib Ayachi                                                                                                                             (The views expressed in this article are strictly mine)


For more on the topic:

The Great Delusion: Liberal Dreams and International Realities, a talk given by John J Mearsheimer, R. Wendell Harrison Distinguished Service Professor of Political Science at the University of Chicago, at the Centre for International Studies and Diplomacy, SOAS University of London, on 21 January 2019: 
Managing Democracy, Managing Dissent, Capitalism, Democracy and the Organisation of Consent, Edited by Rebecca Fisher (To learn more on the ‘democracy promotion’ networks and their involvement, see in particular Edmund Berger’s paper):




The first round of the presidential election in Tunisia takes place this Sunday, September 15th. Today, the country is turning a new page in its history, with the second democratic presidential election since the collapse of the autocratic regime of Zine Ben Ali in 2011. Seven million citizens are expected to get to the polls and cast a ballot, while the socio-economic crisis is deepening, and the political landscape is increasingly fragmented.

Tunisians now enjoy the rights to free expression, free association, along with free and competitive elections, but the socioeconomic conditions of most of them, including the middle class, have continued to deteriorate. The unemployment rate has increased, at about 15% of the working-age population, with young people particularly affected, and twice as much in the neglected and deprived regions of the interior of the country where the uprisings of the so-called “Arab Spring” started. In addition to unemployment, the housing crisis, access to decent and affordable health care services, and the increasing cost of living with an inflation rate of about 7 % are fundamental concerns for millions of Tunisians. On the other hand, the parallel economy is growing, now representing 40% of all economic activities in the country, fostering corruption that has become widespread and endemic.

All of this is happening while the current ruling coalition comprised of the Ennahda Islamist party allied with center-right factions of the secular family have succeeded in derailing the debate over the economy and development issues in general, by focusing on identity and religion. Although many progressives in academia, the media, among civil society organizations and some political parties have called for a revision of Tunisia’s economic development model and the type of integration into the global economy that it entails, whose effects were basically the triggers of the so-called ‘Arab Spring’ revolts, the same model still prevails.

Illustrating the fragmentation of Tunisia’s political scene is the huge number of candidates (twenty-six!) running for this presidential election. This is happening while many Tunisian have expressed their disinterest in politics, politicians, and elections. As of this writing, the participation rate in today’s election at the closing of polling stations, is only 45%, according to the local media.

In the 2014 elections, voters had to choose between the Islamists and their secular center-right opponents organized in the ‘Nidaa Tounes’ party founded by the old regime statesman Beji Caid Essebsi, who got elected as president in 2014, and who on July 25, a few weeks before the end of his term, passed away at the age of 95. Since the previous election in 2014, several other disparate political forces without clear ideological or programmatic contours have emerged. As to the party of the late president Essebsi, Nidaa Tounes, it broke out in various factions built more on the basis of personal rivalries and thcraving for power, than on ideological or programmatic differences.

The popular protest movement for dignity, justice, economic rights, and democracy, which ended the Ben Ali regime in 2011, was from its initiation supported, and, in some regions of the country, even led, by various progressive social and political forces including the powerful UGTT union organization; before being highjacked by the Islamists, although they have not been part of it –at least as such, that is as Islamists.

However, these secular progressive forces are fragmented, embroiled in personal feuds, and, above all, unable to question and revise their dogmatic and narrowly ideological political vision. As a result, they have contributed to Ennahda’s strengthening its grip on large segments of the working people, the poor and deprived populations, and enabled the rise of the populist right, represented in this election by Abir Moussi, the candidate of a renewed RCD party (formerly of Ben Ali), who seems to be a candidate to contend with.

Another populist candidate who, according to the latest polls, may even win this election, is the newcomer in politics and media tycoon, Nabil Karoui. He became known and popular through his charity work in poor neighborhoods and neglected regions of the country.  He is currently in jail for alleged tax fraud.

The other favorite candidates are Youssef Chahed, the current prime minister, and Abdelkrim Zbidi, the minister of defense, an independent close to the late president Essebsi and his Nidaa Tounes party and considered a man of great integrity, and quite popular for that reason in these times of high levels of corruption. Both belong to the center-right tendency in Tunisian politics and do not question the neoliberal orientations of the country, or have presented a credible program to tackle Tunisia’s overwhelming socio-economic problems. The other main contender is Abdelfattah Mourou, the 71-year-old co-founder of the Islamist Ennahdha party, and its first candidate for the presidency. He is expected to do relatively well, but not enough to stand in the second round of the election.

Unless a candidate obtains the absolute majority in the first round, the candidates, and especially their parties, will face a major challenge: that of preparing parallel legislative elections scheduled for October 6, and immediately after that, the second round of the presidential election, which should be held on October 23.

Preliminary results will be announced on Tuesday by the election authority, but, as reported by Reuters news agency this Monday (Sept.16, 2019) morning, “partial election results showed two political outsiders leading the race to become Tunisian president after exit polls showed them advancing to a second-round runoff next month.” Adding that “the independent election commission said conservative law professor Kais Saied and detained media magnate Nabil Karoui were leading.” “If their lead holds, it would represent an earthquake in Tunisian politics and a strong rejection of successive governments …”

(Nejib Ayachi)